These rates exceed the range of 6% to 14% for men in respective facilities and estimates of 12% to 17% for women in the general adult population. Childhood physical or sexual abuse is such an event and is reported by a large proportion of female offenders 4–6 according to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, 37% of women in state prisons, 23% of women in federal prisons, 37% of women in jail, and 28% of female probationers were victims of physical or sexual abuse as a minor. Stressful and traumatic life events are common experiences for female offenders. 1 Many women involved in the criminal justice system experience stressful life events, suffer from mental disorders, and struggle with substance use problems. The number of women who are incarcerated or under correctional supervision increased from approximately 600 000 in 1990 to just more than 1.3 million in 2009. Community-based interventions are critical to reduce risk of abuse of vulnerable women by police officers charged with protecting communities.įemale offenders represent a growing population of high-risk, vulnerable women in the United States. Multivariable models identified 4 or more arrests (adjusted odds ratio = 2.8 95% confidence interval = 1.29, 5.97), adult antisocial personality (AOR = 9.0 95% CI = 2.08, 38.79), and lifetime comorbid cocaine and opiate use (AOR = 2.9 ) as risk factors employment (AOR = 0.4 95% CI = 0.22, 0.77) lowered the risk of PSM.Ĭonclusions. Only 51% of these respondents always used a condom with an officer. Among women who experienced PSM, 96% had sex with an officer on duty, 77% had repeated exchanges, 31% reported rape by an officer, and 54% were offered favors by officers in exchange for sex 87% said officers kept their promise. Of the 318 participants, 78 (25%) reported a lifetime history of PSM. Regression analyses assessed risk factors for trading sex, a form of police sexual misconduct (PSM). In 2005 to 2008, we recruited women into an HIV intervention study, which surveyed participants about multiple sociodemographic, lifestyle, and risk factors. We assessed the prevalence of and risk factors for trading sex with a police officer among women recruited from drug courts in St Louis, Missouri. “Clear Blue Silence” is available at amzn.to/3Usa0So.Objectives. Havis is shopping “Maddie Q” to publishers. To that end, Havis has just finished his second adult novel, “Maddie Q,” about a 24-year-old woman in San Diego “who falls into the rabbit hole of QAnon” and kidnaps a school board trustee to “take on the educational culture thinking that the school system has gone too crazy,” Havis said. “You’re allowed to cross lanes you don’t get a ticket.” The transition from playwright to novelist is not unusual, Havis said. “I wanted to have more time to put into a creative piece description rather than dialogue,” he added. “Clear Blue Silence” was Havis’ “tactical bet that if I were to spend a year writing something new, maybe a novel would be a little more pragmatic” during the pandemic, he said. “Lear on the 2nd Floor,” previously showcased at Princeton’s Lewis Center for the Arts in 2012 and the Conrad Prebys Music Center at UCSD in 2013, is Davis and Havis’ “modern interpretation of Lear as dementia,” Havis said. 6 by Eastman School of Music in New York. His 2012 work “Lear on the 2nd Floor,” written with Pulitzer Prize-winning composer and fellow UCSD professor Anthony Davis, was in production through Nov. The author previously wrote two young-adult novels, many full-length plays and books on cinema. Though “Clear Blue Silence” parallels certain elements of Havis’ life, “the whole story is really invented,” he said. The protagonist is “the bucket of a lot of grief and guilt for people connected to him,” Havis added, and he has to answer for others’ poor choices. Havis said the book’s theme is “what is visible is not real and what is unearthed is actually a much more uncomfortable truth.”
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